The Process of Democracy
Democratisation is an idea that has become increasingly embraced across the world as states seek to lay claim to legitimacy as democratic societies. The number of countries that qualify as democracies today has multiplied five times since the end of World War II, and it now includes almost all states. However, meaningful explanations of the processes that bring about democratisation are not easy to come by.
One problem is that there is no consensus as to what democracy actually means – whether it is a specific political system, a process of voting, or a set of social and cultural values. A second problem is that the process of democratisation is rarely linear or free from hazards. It is often a painful and slow process that has been marked by numerous crises. Moreover, the experience of ‘old’ democracies suggests that sustainable pro-democratic changes can only be initiated and implemented when there are sufficient economic, social and cultural conditions in place.
Some scholars stress the importance of creating favourable structural conditions for democratisation, and argue that the emergence of a well-educated middle class that is capable of asserting its interests in governance issues is essential. This middle class will be more likely to support democracy if it is able to enjoy economic prosperity, which in turn is dependent on the development of the requisite institutions. However, this approach is overly simplistic and fails to account for the fact that in some cases, even when economic conditions are ripe for democratization, such as during Germany in the 1930s or Chile in the 1970s, the middle classes supported authoritarian regimes.
Other scholars, such as Guillermo O’Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, have argued that such structural causes are not the whole story and that there are also elite choices that determine if a society is prone to democratization or not. They suggest that the success of a country in overcoming long-standing intractable conflict (such as South Africa after its apartheid regime) is largely due to the willingness of elites in that society to embrace democracy.
Finally, some have argued that democratisation can be imposed from outside if conditions are favourable, such as with Japan and Germany in the immediate post-World War II period. Others have cautioned that this view is oversimplified and does not take into account the fact that outside imposition depends on a great deal of local goodwill.
The debate between the ‘favourable conditions’ and the ‘elite-choice’ approaches to explaining democratisation is unlikely to be resolved anytime soon. Both approaches have strengths and weaknesses, and it is difficult to produce a model that fully accounts for all the various factors that matter. Nevertheless, it is important that citizens of the developed world continue to promote policies that support democratisation and encourage democratic movements in other parts of the world. This requires building grass-roots support for what former British Foreign Minister Robin Cook called an ‘ethical foreign policy’. It also involves getting involved in civil-society organisations that are working to build democracy at home.
Democratisation is an idea that has become increasingly embraced across the world as states seek to lay claim to legitimacy as democratic societies. The number of countries that qualify as democracies today has multiplied five times since the end of World War II, and it now includes almost all states. However, meaningful explanations of the processes that bring about democratisation are not easy to come by. One problem is that there is no consensus as to what democracy actually means – whether it is a specific political system, a process of voting, or a set of social and cultural values. A second problem is that the process of democratisation is rarely linear or free from hazards. It is often a painful and slow process that has been marked by numerous crises. Moreover, the experience of ‘old’ democracies suggests that sustainable pro-democratic changes can only be initiated and implemented when there are sufficient economic, social and cultural conditions in place. Some scholars stress the importance of creating favourable structural conditions for democratisation, and argue that the emergence of a well-educated middle class that is capable of asserting its interests in governance issues is essential. This middle class will be more likely to support democracy if it is able to enjoy economic prosperity, which in turn is dependent on the development of the requisite institutions. However, this approach is overly simplistic and fails to account for the fact that in some cases, even when economic conditions are ripe for democratization, such as during Germany in the 1930s or Chile in the 1970s, the middle classes supported authoritarian regimes. Other scholars, such as Guillermo O’Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, have argued that such structural causes are not the whole story and that there are also elite choices that determine if a society is prone to democratization or not. They suggest that the success of a country in overcoming long-standing intractable conflict (such as South Africa after its apartheid regime) is largely due to the willingness of elites in that society to embrace democracy. Finally, some have argued that democratisation can be imposed from outside if conditions are favourable, such as with Japan and Germany in the immediate post-World War II period. Others have cautioned that this view is oversimplified and does not take into account the fact that outside imposition depends on a great deal of local goodwill. The debate between the ‘favourable conditions’ and the ‘elite-choice’ approaches to explaining democratisation is unlikely to be resolved anytime soon. Both approaches have strengths and weaknesses, and it is difficult to produce a model that fully accounts for all the various factors that matter. Nevertheless, it is important that citizens of the developed world continue to promote policies that support democratisation and encourage democratic movements in other parts of the world. This requires building grass-roots support for what former British Foreign Minister Robin Cook called an ‘ethical foreign policy’. It also involves getting involved in civil-society organisations that are working to build democracy at home.