The Theory of Democratisation
Democratisation, the transition to a democratic political regime, is one of the most important political trends and challenges in the world. It is the subject of intense debate in all fields of political science, from conflict resolution to international relations and development studies. It is also a topic of great interest for policy makers and politicians at all levels.
There is a broad consensus that it is essential to promote conditions for democratisation, including economic development, education and civil society. However, it is not clear exactly how such policies promote democratisation and there is a great deal of debate over the mechanisms that are involved. Some scholars stress the importance of favourable structural conditions, while others focus on elite choice and the ways that they influence democracy. Both approaches have advantages, but it is necessary to understand the interactions between these elements in order to develop a coherent theory of democratisation.
A central idea is that democratisation depends on the development of new institutions and wide-spread trust in those institutions, which can take time to establish. It is therefore not surprising that most countries that have transitioned to democracy did so slowly, sometimes taking more than a century before the full set of democratic institutions were in place.
Another condition is that democracies must be able to manage political conflict in a peaceful way, which requires the existence of civic cultures and an active civil society. These cultural and social factors are the source of popular support for democracy. They are the reason why democracy is most likely to thrive in societies that have a long tradition of religious tolerance, the rule of law and a sense of collective responsibility.
It is also widely believed that a key ingredient in democratisation is a middle class that can demand greater control over governance issues from the state. In turn, this creates pressure for political reform and ultimately makes even the most repressive governments rethink their policies. However, many economists have pointed out that economic development may produce the middle class, but it does not necessarily lead to democratisation, because the growth of wealth concentrates income in the hands of a small minority and creates a vicious cycle of inflation that undermines any redistributive impetus for political change.
Other scholars have focused on how the emergence of the third wave of democratisation has been facilitated by the fact that it has coincided with the rise of globalization and the increased power of international organisations. This has made it easier for democratic movements to gain legitimacy and mobilise supporters abroad.
In addition, the development of new technology has lowered barriers to communication, making it more feasible for dissidents to gather in virtual spaces and organise large-scale protests. A final key element is the spread of education, which tends to increase voter turnout and encourage the emergence of civil society. Educated citizens volunteer twice as much of their time and money at each level of income as those with a high school education or less (Hodgkinson and Weitzman, 1988). This civic engagement is conducive to a democratic regime.
Democratisation, the transition to a democratic political regime, is one of the most important political trends and challenges in the world. It is the subject of intense debate in all fields of political science, from conflict resolution to international relations and development studies. It is also a topic of great interest for policy makers and politicians at all levels. There is a broad consensus that it is essential to promote conditions for democratisation, including economic development, education and civil society. However, it is not clear exactly how such policies promote democratisation and there is a great deal of debate over the mechanisms that are involved. Some scholars stress the importance of favourable structural conditions, while others focus on elite choice and the ways that they influence democracy. Both approaches have advantages, but it is necessary to understand the interactions between these elements in order to develop a coherent theory of democratisation. A central idea is that democratisation depends on the development of new institutions and wide-spread trust in those institutions, which can take time to establish. It is therefore not surprising that most countries that have transitioned to democracy did so slowly, sometimes taking more than a century before the full set of democratic institutions were in place. Another condition is that democracies must be able to manage political conflict in a peaceful way, which requires the existence of civic cultures and an active civil society. These cultural and social factors are the source of popular support for democracy. They are the reason why democracy is most likely to thrive in societies that have a long tradition of religious tolerance, the rule of law and a sense of collective responsibility. It is also widely believed that a key ingredient in democratisation is a middle class that can demand greater control over governance issues from the state. In turn, this creates pressure for political reform and ultimately makes even the most repressive governments rethink their policies. However, many economists have pointed out that economic development may produce the middle class, but it does not necessarily lead to democratisation, because the growth of wealth concentrates income in the hands of a small minority and creates a vicious cycle of inflation that undermines any redistributive impetus for political change. Other scholars have focused on how the emergence of the third wave of democratisation has been facilitated by the fact that it has coincided with the rise of globalization and the increased power of international organisations. This has made it easier for democratic movements to gain legitimacy and mobilise supporters abroad. In addition, the development of new technology has lowered barriers to communication, making it more feasible for dissidents to gather in virtual spaces and organise large-scale protests. A final key element is the spread of education, which tends to increase voter turnout and encourage the emergence of civil society. Educated citizens volunteer twice as much of their time and money at each level of income as those with a high school education or less (Hodgkinson and Weitzman, 1988). This civic engagement is conducive to a democratic regime.