The Concept of Democratisation

Democratisation is the process through which a country develops a democratic political system. It has occurred notably throughout the 20th century as countries have made structural and constitutional changes based on ideals of equality and self-determination. These largely occurred as the result of economic development and the rise of an educated middle class with a stake in demanding more influence over governance issues from even the most repressive regimes.

In many of these countries, however, the democratic process has not been complete or sustainable. In the Muslim Middle East, for example, repeated attempts at democratisation have either failed or resulted in no more than variations of procedural democracy. In such cases, a country’s leadership will use the vocabulary of democratisation and some basic procedures, but only in a highly selective and exclusive way, as a means to brand themselves as popular and representative of the people.

As a consequence, the concept of democratisation has become something of an elusive rubric that can be applied to a wide range of countries in different ways. Nonetheless, there are several broad-brush characteristics that are generally regarded as essential to successful democratisation. These are usually grouped into two interconnected categories:

The first is the existence of a broadly-based network of civil associations that are independent of the state and capable of serving as a counterweight to its coercive power. Such organisations supposedly allow individuals to develop their own identities, interests and aspirations independently of the state and also help make emergent liberal democracies more stable.

Second, there must be an active and genuinely participatory political culture that encourages and rewards democratic behaviour. The idea is that the more participation there is in democratic decision-making, the more a society will develop democratic habits that are ultimately reflected in its constitution and structure. This explains why some societies are said to be more ‘democratic’ than others, even when they have not yet fully developed the formal characteristics of a democratic state such as universal suffrage or a strong constitutional check on the power of political elites.

In the view of many scholars, these requirements are necessary but not sufficient to guarantee that a country will be able to sustain a democratic political system. It is for this reason that a substantial sub-field of political science has emerged called Transitionology, which concentrates on the study of how democracy can be successfully promoted and sustained. The work of scholars such as Samuel P. Huntington has shown that, historically, democratisation tends to occur in waves. The first wave took place during the 19th century and accompanied the expansion of suffrage in Western Europe and North America. A second wave followed World War II, and the third began in 1974 and has since extended to Latin America and most of Eastern Europe. Each of these waves has been accompanied by a decline in the number of dictatorships and a rise in the number of liberal democracies. Huntington has also argued that there is evidence of a tendency for these phases to coincide with global shifts in relative economic wealth.

Democratisation is the process through which a country develops a democratic political system. It has occurred notably throughout the 20th century as countries have made structural and constitutional changes based on ideals of equality and self-determination. These largely occurred as the result of economic development and the rise of an educated middle class with a stake in demanding more influence over governance issues from even the most repressive regimes. In many of these countries, however, the democratic process has not been complete or sustainable. In the Muslim Middle East, for example, repeated attempts at democratisation have either failed or resulted in no more than variations of procedural democracy. In such cases, a country’s leadership will use the vocabulary of democratisation and some basic procedures, but only in a highly selective and exclusive way, as a means to brand themselves as popular and representative of the people. As a consequence, the concept of democratisation has become something of an elusive rubric that can be applied to a wide range of countries in different ways. Nonetheless, there are several broad-brush characteristics that are generally regarded as essential to successful democratisation. These are usually grouped into two interconnected categories: The first is the existence of a broadly-based network of civil associations that are independent of the state and capable of serving as a counterweight to its coercive power. Such organisations supposedly allow individuals to develop their own identities, interests and aspirations independently of the state and also help make emergent liberal democracies more stable. Second, there must be an active and genuinely participatory political culture that encourages and rewards democratic behaviour. The idea is that the more participation there is in democratic decision-making, the more a society will develop democratic habits that are ultimately reflected in its constitution and structure. This explains why some societies are said to be more ‘democratic’ than others, even when they have not yet fully developed the formal characteristics of a democratic state such as universal suffrage or a strong constitutional check on the power of political elites. In the view of many scholars, these requirements are necessary but not sufficient to guarantee that a country will be able to sustain a democratic political system. It is for this reason that a substantial sub-field of political science has emerged called Transitionology, which concentrates on the study of how democracy can be successfully promoted and sustained. The work of scholars such as Samuel P. Huntington has shown that, historically, democratisation tends to occur in waves. The first wave took place during the 19th century and accompanied the expansion of suffrage in Western Europe and North America. A second wave followed World War II, and the third began in 1974 and has since extended to Latin America and most of Eastern Europe. Each of these waves has been accompanied by a decline in the number of dictatorships and a rise in the number of liberal democracies. Huntington has also argued that there is evidence of a tendency for these phases to coincide with global shifts in relative economic wealth.